Aging and the Social Sciences

Linda Yard. George , Kenneth F. Ferraro , in Handbook of Aging and the Social Sciences (Eighth Edition), 2016

The Corking Recession

Perhaps no social and economic disruption in the by quarter century generated more scholarly and public attending than the Corking Recession that began in 2008 and continues to shape the lives of the citizens of many countries, including the United States. No historic period group has been unaffected past the consequences of this major disruption, but there are reasons to believe that older adults are suffering at to the lowest degree every bit much as their younger counterparts. Every bit a New York Times headline stated, "In Hard Economy for All Ages, Older Isn't Better…. Information technology'southward Brutal" ( New York Times, 2013). A growing body of research addresses the furnishings of this cataclysm on older adults. Several topics on the consequences of the Bully Recession have received empirical attention. Beginning and of obvious concern is whether the increased rates of unemployment in the population at big affected older adults. There appears to be both adept and bad news on that front. On the positive side, older adults (variously divers equally those historic period 55, threescore, and 65 and older) have lower rates of unemployment than any age group – indeed, rates of unemployment are strongly and inversely related to historic period (US Agency of Labor Statistics, 2013). On the other hand, betwixt 2008 and 2010, the unemployment rate of older adults roughly quadrupled and has declined piddling since and so. In add-on, the length of time betwixt job loss and reemployment is significantly longer for older adults than their younger counterparts and many older adults opt out of chore seeking afterwards a relatively brusque menses of unemployment. A second important issue is whether the Great Recession contradistinct the plans of those nearing retirement. It is too early to know definitively the extent to which persons at or nearing conventional retirement ages are postponing retirement, but at that place is potent evidence that these individuals report that they plan to retire later than they had intended prior to the Great Recession (e.m., McFall, 2011). Chapter xiv describes the impact of long-term macroeconomic trends on the labor force participation of older adults and reviews in detail the economic and labor force consequences of the Great Recession.

The consequences of the Great Recession are not limited to purely economic problems. A small base of inquiry on the mental health consequences of the Great Recession is emerging, almost none of which focuses on older adults. Cagney and colleagues, however, report that increases in neighborhood foreclosures are associated with increases in depressive symptoms amongst older adults in NSHAP, controlling on demographic characteristics, socioeconomic status (SES), and physical performance (Cagney, Browning, Iveniuk, & English, 2014). The spillover from the Groovy Recession also may affect the family lives of older adults. Livingston and Parker (2010) report that betwixt 2007 and 2009 the number of older adults with custodial care of grandchildren increased by about 20%, although these grandparents are a pocket-sized proportion of the older population.

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Social Security Systems and Life Expectancy

Domantas Jasilionis , in Encyclopedia of Biomedical Gerontology, 2020

Modern Welfare States and Social Security Systems: Increasing Challenges?

Discussions on mod welfare states indicate the importance of the historical context such equally the reformism move of the 19th century or the Great Recession of the 1930s ( Esping-Andersen et al., 2002), The emerged iii main political ideologies (Social-democratic, Liberal, and Conservative-Christian) are withal shaping societal structures of modern loftier income nations also as define peculiarities of social welfare provision (Esping-Andersen, 1990). For example, the United States and the Great britain are characterized by the prevailing ideologies emphasizing private freedom and market economic system, whereas Scandinavian countries refer to the prevailing social-democratic egalitarian values (Esping-Andersen et al., 2002). The third model concerns the conservative social model highlighting the role of employment and family unit (Esping-Andersen, 1990, 1995). On the basis of the same three principles (decommodification, social stratification, and the private-public mix), Eikemo and Bambra (2008), ascertain the following 3 "classical" and three "new" or "modified" types of social welfare states:

one.

Liberal/residue welfare state is characterized by high commodification, minimal welfare transfers, and low redistributions of incomes. The social security systems are often market-oriented corporative (also via individual welfare schemes) and provide minimal ways-tested aid. These states are characterized past loftier income inequality. The Britain, Us, Ireland, Canada, and Australia are often assigned to this type of welfare state. The United kingdom, Commonwealth of australia, and New Zealand are sometimes assigned to the dissever type of the Radical or Targeted welfare states with a significant part of various redistributive mechanisms (only still having minimal direct social expenditures and transfers) (Bergqvist et al., 2013).

2.

Bourgeois/corporatist/Bismarckian welfare states refer to the employment- and labor-market related social policies and transfers (strongly depending on prior work experience and salary) and also highlighting the importance of family. Frg, Austria, France, Belgium, Italy, and (to some extent) the Netherlands are typical representatives of this type of welfare land.

3.

Social democratic welfare regime states normally refer to the universalism-based arroyo ensuring equally accessible and adequate social support and income protection to all citizens. In this case, the state ensures high levels of decommodification via potent redistributive policies and pro-equitable social security systems. This blazon of welfare state has been prevailing in Nordic countries.

4.

Southern (European) type of welfare state has been distinguished past identifying quite fragmentary (in terms of coverage and volume of support) system of social welfare and the important office of family or voluntary sectors every bit social support mechanisms (Ferrera, 1996).

5.

Confucian welfare state refers to some countries of Due south-East Asia, including Nippon, South Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore. These welfare states are characterized by high commodification levels, very low state interventions, and a very high part of the family in providing social support in case of emergency (especially in the case of the elderly) (Karim et al., 2010).

half-dozen.

The formerly communist Eastern European welfare state authorities is a recently established regime (in many cases) all the same undergoing reforms following the turbulent political and socio-economic transition from the country-socialist to the market economy. These countries have largely re-introduced conservative Bismarckian models with some components (or even mixture) of liberal and even universal (inherited from the communist menses) principles (Cerami, 2010).

The aforementioned welfare land regimes differ substantially not merely in terms of decommodification as reflected past the degree of dependence from labor markets, only likewise in terms of instruments of social protection such as social transfers and welfare services (e.thou., wellness care and education) (Eikemo and Bambra, 2008). Social transfers can be divers equally "income maintenance programmes, social security or cash benefits" (Eikemo and Bambra, 2008). Eikemo and Bambra (2008) distinguishes v types of social transfers: (a) contribution-based social insurance; (b) social assistance (often means tested benefits for those not receiving social insurance benefits); (c) categorical benefits for specific groups (due east.one thousand., child benefits); (d) occupational benefits such as sickness, disability, and maternity benefits (often managed by employers); (e) financial transfers such as revenue enhancement allowances. There are substantial differences across the welfare state regimes in the extent that these social transfers compensate the absenteeism or losses of wages (e.g. due to disability) (Esping-Andersen, 1990). The welfare state regimes also differ essentially in the amount and mechanisms of compensation with some countries relating the social transfers to prior earnings (Conservative-Bismarckian authorities) or providing a minimal apartment charge per unit (the Liberal regime).

The welfare country regime is a dynamic concept reflecting temporal changes in contents and the importance of social security mechanisms across all welfare land regimes. The classical welfare state capitalism was flourishing during the first two-three post-state of war decades offer a generous public universalism-based social security and aimed at maintaining full-time employment mainly relying on the male-breadwinner model (Esping-Andersen et al., 2002). The economical crisis of the 1970s affecting many of Western welfare states led to the so called "welfare state retrenchment" (Esping-Andersen, 1999; Eikemo and Bambra, 2008). The "retrenchment" mainly reflects the shrinkage in coverage and amounts of social transfers and privatization and marketization of some welfare services such every bit wellness intendance provision (Eikemo and Bambra, 2008). The shrinkage in the coverage and amount of the support also concerned unemployment benefits, start of all in the Liberal welfare regime countries such as the Great britain and the U.s.a. (Esping-Andersen, 1999). Notwithstanding, the aforementioned transformations (admitting not at the aforementioned scale) took place in all welfare states, including those assigned to the Social democratic welfare regime (Eikemo and Bambra, 2008).

The recent decades marking the new economic era of deindustrialization and globalization also poses new challenges to welfare states. In particular, these challenges are related to the transition of economic system to loftier applied science-based industries, which may atomic number 82 to the increasing inequalities between those working in loftier technology sectors and low-skilled workers (Esping-Andersen et al., 2002). At the same time, the increasing orientation to pro-agile labor force policies and marketplace efficiency (also fueled by the 2008 global financial crisis) pose a threat for the increasing marginalization of some vulnerable groups such every bit the unemployed (Oesch, 2015). The notable increase in female education and (consequently) employment in the context of postal service-industrial economy reinforced both the changes in employment structure and turn down in male person breadwinner industrial model (previously prevailing in the Bourgeois/Bismarckian welfare states) (Huber and Stephens, 2015; Esping-Andersen, 2010). Huber and Stephens (2015) identified the major modern economic and demographic challenges and striking differences across the welfare states. They advise that employment and unemployment levels are more important stressors for the welfare states than overall economic growth rates. The social democratic Nordic countries and liberal welfare regime countries showed both the highest employment and the lowest unemployment levels, whereas the worst performance in both indicators was observed in the Southern (Mediterranean) countries (Huber and Stephens, 2015). In most cases, the Conservative-Bismarckian countries fell in betwixt the aforementioned 2 extremes, mainly due to lower employment indicators of females (Huber and Stephens, 2015). The welfare state regimes besides bear witness substantial variation in demographic pressures on social security systems. For example, the countries assigned to the liberal and Eastern European regimes show the lower proportions of the aged population than the social democratic Nordic and bourgeois-Bismarckian regimes (Huber and Stephens, 2015; Eurostat, 2019). Although the social democratic Nordic model of welfare state is often praised as "internationally unique" due to high decommodification, highly universal income guarantees, and adult social services, it besides shows some weaknesses such equally high dependency on full employment and economic growth as a precondition of high taxation returns (Esping-Andersen et al., 2002).

The fundamental changes in welfare state commercialism during the terminal decades have too led to the changes in social transfers (Huber and Stephens, 2015). In add-on to directly social transfers directed to the firsthand compensation of losses of income ("consumption" component), governments too started focussing on the "investment" component directed towards increasing capacity to get incomes in the future (e.g. via increasing educational activity and improving kid-care) (Huber and Stephens, 2015). According to Huber and Stephens (2015), all welfare states were generally spending much more on the "consumption" than on the "investment" component. The liberal and the Mediterranean government countries had the lowest "consumption" spending, whereas the Nordic countries had an reward against the remaining countries in "investment" component. Meanwhile, many Eastern European countries can exist characterized as having very low levels (in both absolute and relative terms) of both types of expenditures. This is despite college prevalence of poverty, higher social inequality, and lower average incomes than in other welfare regimes (Eurostat, 2019; Skuodis, 2009).

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A caput for business organization and a centre for libraries

Cara 1000. Ball , in Skills to Make a Librarian, 2015

Reality

Graduation from the iSchool. Aah, it was marvelous! The sun shone, the quad was teaming with black robes and exciting free energy—we did it! I smiled the entire time, so much and then, my face up was sore the next solar day. Well worth it.

I immediately ready out to become myself my dream job—a librarian at a local library were I could serve the community which I felt so connected. However, reality has a way of kicking you lot in the butt whether you are prepared for it or non. And the reality of spring/summer 2009 was bleak indeed. Washington Mutual Inc. had just given upwardly the ghost in late 2008, spilling thousands of people into the unemployment line. This had an immediate impact on local economies, and was hitting the tax base hard. There wasn't a day that didn't go by that we, as a family, heard of however another family impacted by a lay-off. Announcements were coming fast and furious. Country Agencies were laying-off employees and furloughing others, school districts were furloughing teachers and staff, and lay-offs began to occur at the holy grail of Pacific North West's library systems—Seattle Public Library.

However, I was still in denial. I was aware of all of the lay-offs but I was still riding my high of graduating, and just knew my resume would land in the right hands. What I didn't realize—all of those highly skilled and experienced librarians—oh my!—were laid-off at the Seattle organisation, and were snapped upward at the regional libraries—the ones that I had worked and so difficult on cultivating professional relationships with. Oh, that sinking feeling as I realized that I could not compete with ten-year veterans of a public library. And from a business standpoint, I couldn't blame them. When comparing my business resume, with a touch of librarianship, next to a resume flush total of library experience, I wouldn't have picked me either.

Many members of my cohort did what I could non practice—they left the region. Most found jobs and are happily puttering away as librarians. This is 1 (and simply, just that is another essay all together) of the disadvantages of obtaining a Primary's caste later in life—my life is settled, and I did not have the flexibility to relocate to some other region for an entry-level job. Some don't accept a mortgage, a spouse with their own career (a career which definitely brought in the bulk of the income since I was bringing in exactly nix since I had stayed home with the kiddos for the past ten years), kids and all the community connections around the children which makes it incredibly hard to option upwards stakes and movement. Equally a family, we did concord that if push came to shove (my husband at the time was in the failing fiscal industry) that we would sell the business firm and relocate.

However, it wasn't as if there were incredible opportunities in other parts of the States either, nosotros were full on immersed into the Smashing Recession which was as close to the Great Depression than I e'er wanted to get. As I began to realize I may non land my dream job, I began to assess what salvageable skills I did (or did not) have. In my inventory taking, I found many skills-identified above—and some holes. For example, I was non bilingual.

Lesson learned: larn Spanish or go fluent in any other language that interests you, preferably Mandarin. I learned French and loved it merely, sadly, did not keep my skills current. If this should be a cautionary tale, and so know this: if you lot have a skill, brand certain that it remains electric current!

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Set Point Theory and Public Policy

Richard A. Easterlin , Malgorzata Switek , in Stability of Happiness, 2014

Data and Methods

The SWB measure out is life satisfaction, every bit reported in the Eurobarometer survey of April–May 2007, a date presently earlier the onset of the Smashing Recession. The individual countries, basic information, and sources are given in Appendix Tabular array 10A.1. Life satisfaction is, specifically, the mean for each country of the responses to the following question: "On the whole, are yous very satisfied, fairly satisfied, not very satisfied, or non at all satisfied with the life y'all pb?" The survey response options are 1=very satisfied, two=fairly satisfied, 3=non very satisfied, four=not at all satisfied (recoded from 4 down to 1) (European Commission, 2012). Mean life satisfaction here averages 3.04 and ranges from a high of iii.lx in Denmark to a low of 2.44 in Hungary.

Three measures of labor market policy are examined. The net replacement rate (NRR) is the percentage of after-tax household income that is maintained via public income back up policies when a worker becomes unemployed. The estimate of NRR is based on legislative provisions and includes unemployment benefits, social assistance, and housing support. For the 21 countries studied here, these benefits, on boilerplate, replace 54% of after-tax household earnings and range from a low of 23% in Italy to a high of 77% in Denmark (Table 10A.1). For greater detail on the NRR, run across OECD (2013a).

The replacement rate due to unemployment benefits, taken by itself, may be a misleading indicator of differences among countries in maintaining the income of unemployed workers. The replacement charge per unit may be loftier, but benefits are hard to obtain because of stringent eligibility requirements. (Portugal is a example in point.) OECD recently constructed a measure, the benefit strictness indicator, based on legislation that defines benefit eligibility. The measure covers entitlement conditions (employment and/or contribution requirements to proceeds admission to benefits, and sanctions for voluntary unemployment), job search requirements, monitoring of job-search endeavor, and sanctions for refusing a job offer. The strictness indicator ranges in potential value from 1 to 5 (where 5=strictest requirements); for the present ready of countries, the bodily range is ii.44 (Sweden) to 4.44 (Portugal), and the mean is 3.21. For greater detail, come across Venn (2012).

Unemployment benefits have typically trended upward over fourth dimension, and concerns have been voiced about undue reliance on benefits past the unemployed and possible reluctance to return to work. Policymakers' attention has turned, therefore, to labor market place programs to encourage and facilitate the return to work. The extent of such programs is captured here in the active labor market policies (ALMP) variable, which measures the degree to which each state implements policies to assistance job seekers to find work and to better their employment prospects. The summary value published for this measure past OECD includes so-called passive expenditures, those on unemployment benefits, which are already captured here in the NRR variable. Hence, in the present analysis, the ALMP variable is bars to the categories designated by OECD every bit "active" programs—worker preparation, job rotation, employment incentives, supported employment, and directly job creation (OECD, 2013b). ALMP is measured as the per capita expenditure on these labor market policies, and is obtained by multiplying by GDP per capita by the published pct of Gross domestic product spent on such programs. The mean value is $205 (in dollars of 2005 purchasing power), and the range is from $13 in Republic of estonia to $517 in Denmark. For more data on this measure out, see OECD (2012).

Every bit mentioned, the SWB data are for April–May 2007, a date prior to the onset of the Neat Recession. Public policies for the unemployed may exist temporarily expanded in the face of rising unemployment, and such actions may misconstrue basic policy differences amid countries due to differences in the severity of a recession and the policy responses thereto. For virtually all of the countries included here, however, unemployment rates were declining prior to the date when SWB was observed; hence, the policy measures should exist indicative of fundamental differences in policy. NRR and ALMP measure policies as of the year 2006; the strictness measure is for 2011, the merely twelvemonth for which an approximate has been fabricated.

Three macroeconomic variables that are typically found to be significantly related to SWB are also included in the analysis. The offset is GDP per capita in the twelvemonth 2006, measured in 2005 dollars of purchasing power (Heston, Summers, & Aton, 2012). The second is the inflation rate, the per centum change in the level of prices from 2005 to 2006. The third is the unemployment charge per unit for April–May 2007, the month in which life satisfaction was surveyed.

The unemployment rate for April–May 2007 is more closely related to life satisfaction than rates for culling dates that were studied. The other dates were for unemployment in periods ranging from 1 to iv quarters prior to the date of the life satisfaction observation. The difference among the dates in the relation to life satisfaction was modest, only the Apr–May charge per unit had the strongest human relationship, a result suggesting that life satisfaction is responding most strongly to current, rather than before, unemployment weather. For greater detail on unemployment rate information, see OECD (2013c).

Note that the unemployment rate may itself exist viewed equally a labor market policy variable. Differences among countries in the unemployment rate may reflect, in part, differences in fiscal and monetary policies aimed at achieving full employment. Only unemployment differences may also be due to nonpolicy factors underlying amass demand and supply.

The net replacement rate and do good strictness indicator are measures based on legislation in each state establishing the policies relating to each. The active labor market policies variable, however, is based on spending on such policies, and may non be an authentic indicator of actual policy differences amidst countries. Ii countries may have the same policies, but if one has a college unemployment rate, this will induce more ALMP expenditure and lead to the impression of a policy difference on ALMP. Hence, in assessing ALMP differences across countries, it is desirable to control for unemployment, as is washed in the multivariate regressions described in the post-obit sections.

One would wait that life satisfaction would vary directly with the net replacement rate and agile labor market policies, and inversely with the strictness indicator. Higher NRR and ALMP contribute to maintaining 1's income, whereas strict eligibility requirements operate in the opposite direction. With respect to the macroeconomic variables, the expectation is that life satisfaction would vary directly with Gross domestic product per capita, and inversely with both the unemployment and inflation rates. In what follows, the bivariate OLS regression relationship betwixt life satisfaction and each of the half-dozen variables is first examined and then the multivariate relationships.

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Health information technology and family caregiving: Policy initiatives

Nicole Ruggiano , in Bridging the Family Care Gap, 2021

The HITECH Deed of 2009

The HITECH Act of 2009 was office of the larger American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (as well referred to as the Stimulus Packet ) that was enacted in response to the Neat Recession during the Obama administration ( Golden, McLaughlin, Devers, Berenson, & Bovbjerg, 2012). Viewed as having ambitious goals, a primary focus of HITECH was to overcome several barriers to providers' adoption of Striking (Gilt et al., 2012). HITECH offered financial incentives to providers and healthcare systems to implement Striking, set standards for Striking systems, and offered engineering science support and workforce evolution and training for Hitting (Gilded et al., 2012). A total of $25 billion was dedicated to the financial incentive arm of the policy, where eligible practitioners could receive $44,000 and eligible hospitals could receive $2–$10 1000000 (Jha, 2010).

Eligibility for financial incentives as well required that the Striking adopted by health intendance providers and systems exist designed and implemented for meaningful utilize. Numerous activities were divers every bit meaningful utilize, such equally exchanging health information among providers, electronic prescribing, and quality control for intendance (Jha, 2010). Although the meaningful use requirement was viewed every bit a potential barrier for providers and hospitals to see the policy's goals, the federal regime viewed the meaningful utilize requirement as ane that would actually make improvements in the quality of intendance (Jha, 2010). In a 2010 interview, David Blumenthal, the Coordinator for ONC under the Obama administration, stated that facilitating meaningful use is challenging, but these activities are designed to brand wellness care more than efficient and of college quality. However, some asserted at the time that existing Medicare and Medicaid reimbursement policies and the expense of implementing Hitting for meaningful employ may non be offset by the financial incentives offered through HITECH and therefore the rate of HIT adoption may be stymied without further financial reimbursement reform (Brailer, 2010).

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Housing older Americans: the challenges of accessibility, affordability, and quality

Judith G. Gonyea , in Handbook of Crumbling and the Social Sciences (9th Edition), 2021

Renting in later life

Today, 43 million US households, representing more than i-third of the nation's households, rent their homes. These current figures reflect a rise in rental housing need that began in 2004 and continued to surge afterward the Great Recession and U.s. housing market crash of 2008 ( Articulation Centre for Housing Studies of Harvard Academy, 2017). Although the increment in rental households occurred across all demographic groups (e.m., ages, races/ethnicities), the Pew Charitable Trusts (2018) report notes that "older households brand upward the bulk of new renters since 2005" (p .6). The Trusts' analysis of the Panel Study of Income Dynamics data from 2001 to 2005 revealed that renting among households headed past adults ages 65 and older grew from 14% to 24% of the US total rental households.

The JCHS written report, America'due south Rental Housing 2017 identified the 2 groups with the greatest growth during this period as higher-income households and older households. The Heart's analysis of the Current Population Survey data revealed that households with real annual incomes of $fifty,000 or greater, which "deemed for just one-third of Usa renter households in 2006—drove well over half (60%) of the growth in renter households from 2006 to 2016" (p. seven). The stiff presence of more affluent, and typically younger, renters has in fact contributed to most additions to the rental housing stock existence at the upper end of the market. In sharp contrast, the supply of rental housing to depression- and moderate-income housing remains woefully insufficient to come across the increasing level of demand (Joint Heart for Housing Studies of Harvard University, 2017).

Older renters generally are viewed equally consisting of two distinct groups: older wealthier people with prior homeownership that are now renting and older people with a lifetime of lower incomes and frequently never having owned a domicile. Like to their homeowner counterparts, older affluent renters are more oft white, married, and possess more years of education. As reflected in Table 20.2 the median internet worth of all older The states renters in 2016 was $6710, however, wide variation existed by race and income. For instance, although older white renters had a median net worth of $11,070, older nonwhites' median cyberspace worth was significantly lower at $2000. The wealthiest older renters (incomes $75,000 and higher) had a median net worth of over $300,000 while the poorest older renters' (incomes less than $15,000) median net worth was beneath $g.

Some of the nation'south most vulnerable older adults live in public or subsidized rental housing. Slightly more than 6% of older US renters live in these subsidized units; in fact, more than ane-third of the households receiving HUD assistance are headed past an older person (defined past HUD as age 62 or older) (Articulation Heart for Housing Studies of Harvard University, 2014). Subsidized housing residents are overwhelmingly female (75%) as well as disproportionately African American (38%) and Hispanic (16%), relative to their representation in the US older population. They are likewise older; xv% of the heads of households in senior subsidized units are 85 and older compared to nine% of the US community-based older population. Additionally, their disability charge per unit is twice that of other community-domicile older persons (Redfoot & Kochera, 2004). Almost public housing tenants live alone and take very limited economical resources; the average reported income of older applicants for subsidized rental units is just about $ten,000 (Parsons, Mezuk, Ratliff, & Lapane, 2011).

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Understanding the Strengths and Resilience of Various Families

Iheoma U. Iruka Ph.D. , ... Winnie A.I. Eke Ph.D. , in Clinician's Guide to Engaging Parents in their Children'southward Didactics, 2014

4.1.one.1 The Role of Grandparents

Grandparents often play a special function in the extended family. Grandparents, are often called to serve as principal caregivers in sure situations when the parents are having difficulty, including illness or disability, divorce, teen pregnancy, parent abuse or neglect, single parent parenthood, drug and alcohol abuse, and incarceration (Livingston & Parker, 2010 ). Contempo statistics show an uptack in grandparents being primary caregivers showtime in 2007, during the time of the Great Recession ( Figure iv.1). Though traditionally African-American and Hispanic children were more likely to exist raised by their grandparents, during the Slap-up Recession, there was an increase of 9% in White children being raised by their grandparents compared to ii% of African-Americans and no change for Hispanics. Withal, African-American children were more probable to live in a household where they take been formally placed with their grandparents as their primary caregiver (Harden et al., 1997; U.Southward. Census/C2SS, 2001). In improver to economical reasons, grandparent care is likewise due to the Black culture of grand parents beingness seeing as critical and stable forces in helping enhance children (Burton & Dilworth-Anderson, 1991).

Figure four.1. Sharp increase in children with grandparent caregivers since 2007.

 Pew Research Center Calculations of Decennial Census and American Customs Survey Data.

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Social structure and command

Kent McClelland , in The Interdisciplinary Handbook of Perceptual Control Theory, 2020

Competition, innovation, and social structures

In the competitive milieu of global commercialism, even highly privileged individuals may come to feel that they lack sufficient resources to control the perceptions they want to control. Perceiving their ain wealth or economic success as bereft, they may innovate to get yet more, like the Wall Street bankers whose financial machinations led to the "bang-up recession" of 2008. And because innovations sell new products, many of jobs in capitalist economies crave workers to turn out a steady stream of inventive objects, actions, or ideas. Industrial, style, and software designers; artists, authors, and composers; media commentators and academic researchers; in these jobs and many others, workers' paychecks depend on their ability to innovate.

The organizations and other social structures that provide jobs for creative workers are often intensely competitive. Of all the people vying for success in these cultural competitions, only a few tin can take the all-time sellers, the most newsworthy performances, the most cited articles, the scientific breakthroughs, or even videos that get viral on the Internet. The other competitors, and sometimes the winners as well, may not get enough attending, adulation, and commercial success for them to control the highly valued perception of beingness the all-time in their own business. While innovation is necessary to stay competitive, workers in these artistic pursuits normally enjoy far more resources to support their endeavors than innovators in less privileged groups. And their perceptual hierarchies are probable to suit in most respects to the prevailing cultural pattern of stabilized feedback paths, which allows them to focus on solving artistic issues rather than coping with everyday problems of survival, although information technology often limits their innovations to narrowly divers commercial channels.

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Nutritional Implications of Social Protection

Suresh C. Babu , ... J. Arne Hallam , in Nutrition Economics, 2017

The Great Recession and the Social Safe Cyberspace in the United states of america

The Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) and the Unemployment Insurance Plan (UI) are two of import condom net programs in the United States. SNAP is designed to provide food help for the poor, and as of 2013 had about 48 million recipients. UI is designed to provide assistance to middle-income households suffering from unemployment. Heflin and Mueser (2013) show that both SNAP and UI swelled in numbers post-obit the economical slowdown that started in 2008. They evaluate the relative importance of both SNAP and UI for Florida residents. The data set they calibrate is unique, since it identifies individuals entering both programs. They show that the number of people receiving SNAP grew dramatically, following the Great Recession.

Further, the researchers show that many of the SNAP recipients were also receiving UI, with the latter source existence of primary importance. The study notes that for the recipients who received both UI and SNAP, UI was of primary importance for about a third of them, prior to the recession. Nevertheless, after the recession, UI was of primary importance for 2-thirds of the recipients.

The authors note that the increase in the number of SNAP recipients who were already receiving UI benefits is attributed purely to the economic slowdown. Notwithstanding, for those receiving both UI and SNAP, the chief importance of UI was driven by legislation that extended UI benefits. A third of the recipients would have had UI benefits run out, had information technology not been for the legislation.

The findings of Heflin and Mueser (2013) show the importance of condom nets in the US. For example, the number of SNAP-UI claims increased past 57% subsequently the recession, which amounts to roughly iii-quarters of a million, or well-nigh one out of every xv Florida residents. Given that the growth of SNAP solitary was over three times more than the growth in joint SNAP-UI, the authors conclude that in that location are serious limits to the cushion that UI provides during difficult times.

In a related written report for Michigan, O'Leary and Kline (2014) find that SNAP usage increased every yr from 2006 to ten. UI applications also increased dramatically in 2008 by 23.six%. An average of 20% of UI applicants had received SNAP in the previous year. Among UI applicants, prior SNAP recipients were the highest. Among those who had not received SNAP in the year before applying for UI, 13% received SNAP 1 year afterwards applying for UI. SNAP receipt after UI application was highest among those who were discharged from work, exhausted their UI benefit entitlements, were between 25 and 44 years of age, were less educated, and were non employed in the retail trade, hospitality, or health care services. The Michigan data as well shows that during the Bang-up Recession, UI applicants entered SNAP faster than before the official showtime appointment of the economic decline in Dec 2007.

The in a higher place studies selected and reviewed for this affiliate gear up the stage for policy analysis related to the nutritional implications of social protection programs. Studies accept also addressed other related issues including nugget building, resilience building, women's empowerment, combining programs, and improving extension systems to work with nutritional field workers.

The chapter also notes some tradeoffs in different safety cyberspace programs. Social protection programs can brand people dependent on the benefits, or make them independent. Lessons from Ethiopia, India, and People's republic of bangladesh indicate that income-boosting programs may piece of work all-time, when they accept into account the availability of bones needs and support systems, including nutritional pedagogy. In the side by side section we show how these policy issues could be addressed using field data and undertaking statistical analysis. In particular, we demonstrate the usefulness of panel data analysis and provide an case from field data in Broussard (2012).

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Health Insurance and Wellness

A. Dor , E. Umapathi , in Encyclopedia of Health Economics, 2014

The Uninsured and the United states of america Wellness Care System

In the The states, historically, the elderly and the disabled take received public insurance coverage through Medicare, whereas the poor received public insurance through Medicaid. Otherwise, health insurance coverage has effectively been tied to employment with xc% of all privately insured individuals receiving their coverage through their employers. Roughly l% of employees participate in employer-sponsored health insurance coverage and consequently a large portion of employees, especially temporary and part-time employees, lack insurance. Non surprisingly, the contraction in the labor market place that accompanied the Keen Recession in the early 20-first century likewise contributed to the rising number of the uninsured. Between 2008 and 2010, nearly one-quarter of working-age adults reported that they or their spouse had lost their job and more than than 50% of these people became uninsured. Historically, a pregnant portion of the uninsured population consisted of relatively vulnerable groups such as the nigh poor and nearly elderly. Individuals belonging to these groups are more than likely to feel unemployment compared with higher income or young people, and are likewise more than likely to endure from adverse health events. Yet, income and historic period restrictions precluded these individuals from enrolling in public insurance programs such as Medicaid or Medicare, leaving them at a higher risk of remaining uninsured.

The ACA is expected to greatly reduce the number of uninsured. Under the ACA, most US citizens and legal residents will be required to have health insurance, a number of states will expand Medicaid to include the nonelderly population at 133% of the federal poverty line, and states are engaging in setting upwardly health insurance 'exchanges' offering plan choices to previously underserved individuals. In addition, federal subsidies will be fabricated bachelor to small firms and individuals for the buy of insurance. Nevertheless, the ACA will only reduce the number of uninsured by one-half. The Congressional Budget Part estimated that by 2019, 23 million Americans will remain uninsured even if the ACA is fully and successfully implemented. The pocket-size penalties levied against those opting out of the organization, the so-called 'mandates,' may not exist sufficient to outweigh the incentives non to bring together. Moreover, certain population groups are exempted.

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